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Powerful Patrons the Morning Post rather than the Austrian army. Protesting that the Austrians themselves had all along known of and raised no objection to his intentions, Eustace nevertheless abandoned his ambition to join the Austrian army. He remained in Vienna on behalf of the Morning Post until the following spring. It was abundantly clear to Grenville-Murray, however, that the earnings of his pen alone would not support his life-style and his family. While in Vienna he had run up large debts to Leo Wolf, an American resident of the city at whose house and table he had been a constant guest.

Richard, a barrister, held a number of different consular posts in quick succession between October and June , FO List Bourne also mentions these cases, Palmerston, pp. Meanwhile, it would provide Eustace with some expenses for travel and subsistence — and mail facilities for the despatch of his articles to London. For, with the blessing of Palmerston, who is said to have wished him to write in unfriendly tones about the Austrian prime minister, he was determined to keep up his position as correspondent of the Morning Post in the Austrian capital.

To the minds of his nominal chancery colleagues, and with some justice, Grenville-Murray was an arrogant freeloader who was trading on the influence of his eminent connections and had no intention of taking his diplomatic position seriously. As a result, they reported his behaviour to the new ambassador who arrived in October. From that day onwards he took his place in the chancery. Despite this undertaking, Grenville-Murray continued to write newspaper articles, but chiefly for the Daily News, the radical paper established by Charles Dickens in , rather than the Morning Post.

Unfortunately, however, in January he was unmasked owing to an accident. Two of his letters sent on successive dates in December to Frederick Knight Hunt, chief editor of the Daily News and a fellow contributor to Household Words, were not addressed to the satisfaction of the London postal service and, as a result, were sent back by the dead letter office. And they were returned not to their sender but to the ambassador, because — as was routinely the case — chancery mail was sent out under his seal.

From the style and content of the first letter it was obvious that it was a draft newspaper article and, when confronted with it, Grenville-Murray was in some confusion. The unmasked journalist admitted it was his but denied he had broken his word, claiming untruthfully that Hunt was an old school friend; in reality, the editor had much humbler origins and was nine or ten years his elder.

Diplomacy, Satire and the Victorians publication. These were returned to Westmorland and, when the discrepancies between them and the originals were discovered, the ambassador reported him officially to the Foreign Office. Grenville-Murray had good reason to be alarmed at this turn of events. Fortunately for Grenville-Murray, however, Palmerston was not alone in regarding Westmorland as professionally useless,64 and his inexperienced successors at the Foreign Office — first Lord Granville and then Lord Malmesbury — were heavily reliant on his detailed briefings.

Yates gives essentially the same account, His Recollections and Experiences, p. Thorold, The Life of Henry Labouchere, pp. As a Tory, Westmorland then Lord Burghersh , had lost diplomatic employment when Palmerston entered the Foreign Office in , and was refused a pension; he had not regained employment until Palmerston left the FO in , Bourne, Palmerston, pp.

In politics, Grenville-Murray was a conservative in the tradition of Edmund Burke. In other words, he rejected the blinkered, reactionary conservatism of the landed aristocracy and favoured, instead, moderate administrative and constitutional reform. This was nominally established for those unable to gain immediate entry to the hub of the Tory social network in the Carlton Club, but it did not mark him as a party man because it was in reality a dissident group. In the process of what became a sustained reformist campaign, he emerged as their most damaging whistleblower; as, indeed, the only one of any significance at the time.

Consequently, the official loathing for him that had begun in Vienna increased further. All of this came to a head against the background of the Crimean War, the horrifying mid-century clash of arms on the front line between Russia and Turkey in the Danubian Principalities and the Black Sea, a conflict in which Britain and France came to the assistance of the Turks for fear of the impact on their own interests should the Ottoman Empire, as had long been predicted, finally collapse.

In April , Grenville-Murray was transferred to the legation at Hanover. This was a mission of startling obscurity where the minister, the Hon. John Duncan. Pictures from the Battle Fields, pp. Diplomacy, Satire and the Victorians Bligh, second son of the 4th Earl of Darnley, had been nominally in charge since as far back as However, he usually left his post in August, and did not return until late in the following spring. When the music stopped, in October, GrenvilleMurray discovered that he had been appointed to the embassy at Constantinople.

It was during this interval that he was completing his first — and for a long time his only — novel. This was the page long triple-decker, Walter Evelyn; or, The Long Minority, published anonymously on 1 November by Richard Bentley, the once leading but by then struggling. Bindoff et al, British Diplomatic Representatives, p. Daily News, 3 April He was an unsparing editor, and a few of these qualms endured. This was a good nom de plume for a travel writer, and was soon to be well known. Before long, however, his pen was straying into more controversial areas, and for this Charles Dickens must take some credit.

This appealed to Dickens because the aristocratic stranglehold on the upper reaches of this profession, then and for long afterwards very pronounced, was among the social evils the great novelist himself wished to see attacked. I know the reality very well, having seen a good deal of it abroad. Like many men who passed through the British embassy in Constantinople, GrenvilleMurray did not hit it off with the ambassador, Stratford Canning, who had been at the embassy on and off since and had a reputation for unrivalled influence with the Ottoman authorities.

However, he was by then 66 years of age, perpetually harassed, and inclined to bad fits of gout. Two more books were produced. For during the same period he had also continued to bombard Dickens with articles. This may have had more to do with diplomacy than Dickens realised, for dining was regarded as an important tool of the craft, not least by Lord Palmerston.

The real identity of the Roving Englishman was probably already strongly suspected, if not positively known, because — astonishing to report — the office of Household Words made no attempt to keep secret the authorship of its articles; readers just had to enquire in order to be enlightened. Accordingly, a separate kitchen was provided for them in the new embassy building then being erected. The Roving Englishman, p. His post of exile: acting vice-consul at Mytilene, the chief town of the predominantly Greek island of Lesbos, then still part of the Ottoman Empire.

For the Roving Englishman, this was nevertheless an exile with compensations. Above all, he had no-one breathing down his neck, and — with little shipping to worry about — ample leisure both to reflect on his profession and to write up the acute observations of people and places that by then were the hallmarks of his journalism. A much fuller and more savage sketch of Westmorland as a musical buffoon appeared in the shape of the clueless ambassador, Lord Winnington, in Walter Evelyn, vol.

For the complete list of these articles, see Lohrli, Household Words, pp. The article was nine columns long, and for it G-M was paid the then princely sum of five pounds. Diplomacy, Satire and the Victorians 3. This was a perfect choice: not only was its warlike king one of the great pantomime villains of the mid-Victorian era, but it was also likely to catch the eye of Palmerston, who was a passionate opponent of the slave trade and favoured armed intervention to crush it in that kingdom.

He was a man of fair average capacity, upright, and hard-working. But a more hard, stern, unjust, unkind, unloveable man never stood within the icy circle of his own pride and ill temper. He was haughty and stiff-necked beyond any man I have ever seen. He was not a great-minded man, for he had favourites and jealousies and petty enmities; he had small passions, and by no means an intellect mighty enough to make you forget them. He was a fine specimen of the British Bigwig, and would have figured well as the head of a public school, or the principal of a college.

He had been at Dahomey nearly all his life. Dahomey was a very bad school for the rearing of an English gentleman. He had exercised too much power over others so long, that at last he could speak to none save in the grating language of harsh command. He seemed to look upon mankind as a mere set of tools: when he wanted an instrument he took it; and when he had done with it, he put it aside. Perhaps it was the long habit of dealing with persons placed in an improper position of subordination to him which made him treat every one under him as a slave.

Nature never could have made a man so thoroughly unamiable. Sir Hector Stubble had no heart, no feeling, no eyes, ears, thoughts for any one but Sir Hector Stubble. For him the world was made, and all that in it is; other people had no business there except in so far as they were useful to him.

His private secretary or his valet — any one upon whom his completeness in any way depended — would have appeared to him an individual of much more importance than the greatest practical thinker who ever served mankind. No one had ever owed him a service or a kind word. In seventy long years of a life passed in honour and fair public repute, he had never gained a private friend. He had been appointed at twenty-one to a position for which he was unripe — that of Secretary of Embassy at Dahomey. He had passed nearly the whole of his subsequent life among slaves and orientals, until he had become incapable of holding equal commerce with free men.

Now, this kind of thing will not do among Englishmen; few Englishmen are so much superior to the rest of their countrymen, as not to find a great many who are ready Diplomacy, Satire and the Victorians and able to cope with them. Sketches from Life. This contained blasts at a number of lesser diplomats, among them Westmorland again, chiefly for failing to manoeuvre the Austrians into a more antiRussian posture. In 40 years in the East, charged the Roving Englishman, he had done hardly any good at all.

The Times, 31 January A new edition was published in Turkey, being Sketches from Life. Pictures from the Battle Fields, passim but especially pp. Nevertheless, the first class status of the Foreign Office was never in doubt, and its political head — who for most of the time between and was either the 4th Earl of Clarendon or Lord John Russell — was nearly always second only in standing to the prime minister. Beneath the permanent under-secretary was the so-called chief clerk, among whose varied tasks the most important were domestic arrangements and financial management; G.

Lennox-Conyngham was chief clerk from until Continuity was also provided by bureaucratic dynasties, the most remarkable of which was that of the Bidwell family, four generations of which had served as Foreign Office clerks. The permanent officials were not thought to need quite the same high social status as diplomats serving abroad, and were paid a salary from the start of their careers. Nevertheless, many of them came from aristocratic as well as professional upper middle class families, and tended to have gone to the same top public schools as the diplomatists.

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  • Diplomacy, Satire and the Victorians The Foreign Office firmly believed that the character of its work — highly confidential and requiring irregular hours — set it apart from all other departments of state. Reinforced by its aristocratic ethos, this gave it a high sense of its own importance, and led it to stonewall resolutely any attempt on the part of outsiders, such as the Treasury or radical members of parliament, to interfere in the way it managed its affairs.

    Eloquent of this was its reaction to the momentous proposals of the Northcote-Trevelyan Report published in , which urged that no-one should be appointed to any civil service post who had not passed an appropriate examination, that the competition should be open to all, and that the whole process should be controlled by an independent central board.

    Further evidence of its resistance to change was its attitude to the agency system. Following abolition of the same kind of arrangement by the Colonial Office in , in this regard, too, the Foreign Office was shaping up to be the last of the hold-outs against civil service reform. Even friendly editors were regarded with suspicion, since it was known that their leading articles could easily be switched to an unhelpful line if this promised to increase their circulation figures.

    It is true that it had long been common for some publicity-conscious foreign secretaries and political under-secretaries to have close informal relations with individual editors — most famously Palmerston himself — the better to be able to trade official information for press support. But the clerks, who did.

    In his otherwise careful and detailed study, Middleton pays surprisingly scant attention to this point, The Administration of British Foreign Policy, , p. The diplomatic service as a whole was also no more socially exclusive than the rest of the mid-Victorian governing elite, and if those in its top tier, the ambassadors in their embassies, were very expensive, at least there were very few of them, as opposed to the ministers in their more lowly legations. Nevertheless, in the s the members of the diplomatic service, like the clerks in the Foreign Office — and in part for the same reason — were still drawn chiefly from the aristocracy, and those attaining the rank of ambassador overwhelmingly so; commoners who entered as young men also had to have favoured backgrounds.

    This was because only those nominated by the foreign secretary who thus had to be known to him could sit the new exam, which was in any case not a stiff one. As a result, it did little to dent his power of patronage, and none at all to alter the direction in which it was bestowed. The degree of foreign language expertise among diplomatists was also lamentable, as admitted by those interrogated by the Select Committee on Official. Like the Foreign Office, the diplomats were wedded to the view that — if they had any responsibility for this at all — it lay only in negotiating commercial treaties providing the best terms possible for British trade as a whole; it did not extend to canvassing for trade or contracts on behalf of individuals or companies, and certainly not small ones; that is, the ones that needed it most.

    Grenville-Murray was appalled by this state of affairs, and his ideas for reform were many and detailed. They were shaped by his diplomatic experience, active interest in current events, and extensive reading on the law and history of diplomacy. His criticisms, which were always constructive but quickly increased in ferocity, surfaced not only in Household Words and Pictures from the Battlefields but also in anonymous leading articles in the Daily News in March and, in the following August, in a lengthy book called Embassies and Foreign Courts: A History of Diplomacy.

    However, it was also an exercise in professional self-improvement, for he still very much wanted to be a successful diplomatist. In an otherwise favourable review, Droits et Devoirs had been criticised for not having been written in English and for having insufficient modern examples. HCPP , 25 July paras , Daily News, 8, 10, 13 and 24 March, and 3 April Trying to be a campaigning book as well as a manual for the profession, inevitably it ended up serving neither purpose particularly well.

    Its extensive technical detail made it unattractive as a polemic, while being a polemic it engendered — and still engenders — suspicion of its trustworthiness as a manual. Cavendish was the oldest of the six children by his second wife of the courtier-soldier and former member of parliament General the Hon. Compton Cavendish, first cousin to the 6th Duke of Devonshire. Diplomacy, Satire and the Victorians The most serious result, believed Grenville-Murray, was that policy was made in ignorance of local conditions; and it was for this reason that so many disasters had occurred in the Crimean War.

    Pictures from the Battle Fields, p. But his views on the subject were based on a rather rosy view of public opinion and attached too little importance to the need for secrecy in negotiations. After all, this is the only means of preventing their sabotage by vested interests of the kind he was the first to condemn.

    Foundational Approaches

    Embassies and Foreign Courts, pp. The latter argument is developed at length in The Press and the Public Service, ch. Diplomacy, Satire and the Victorians one country the better for knowing more of others. They should have high salaries, and houses should be bought rather than — as had hitherto been customary — rented for their residences. Meanwhile, agreeing on the basis of personal experience with the select committee on official salaries of , he believed economies might be made by closing missions that were a farce, such as those at Hanover, Stuttgart and Dresden. Because the intercourse between nations being no longer rare and difficult, nations knew each other better, and so no longer needed absurdly expensive.

    No doubt with the fate of his own letters at Vienna much in mind, he regarded the secret opening and re-sealing of the despatches of foreign envoys as simply an infamous species of theft. Another was that many of them were locally recruited and had to survive on profits made from trading and fees for notarial acts. Consuls at more important posts were paid salaries, but these had been seriously undermined by inflation, and even these men faced a strong taboo against promotion to the diplomatic service. Not surprisingly, corruption and inattention to official duties. Diplomacy, Satire and the Victorians was widely suspected of the trading consuls, while morale was rock-bottom among their salaried colleagues.

    As it turned out, Grenville-Murray himself did not believe that the consular service was in anywhere near as bad a condition as the diplomatic service. By contrast, the diplomatist, he believed, had wider horizons and a great part in the framing of international agreements on all manner of subjects. The corollary of his view that there was a marked difference between diplomatic and consular work was that there should be no such thing as a political consul.

    Platt, The Cinderella Service, pp.

    The Counter Revolution In Diplomacy And Other Essays

    Consuls were already supposed to return annual commercial reports, and these were usually published, some selling well. But the FO, which held the fate of the consuls in its hands, treated these reports with indifference, serving only as a post office for them to the Board of Trade. Such agents ensured that the quarterly salary payments of diplomatists and consuls were safely banked and forwarded their private correspondence; among other chores, they might alert them to vacancies at attractive posts and help to arrange exchanges with other colleagues.

    Any clerk could become an agent, although in practice there were only six in the mid-nineteenth century. The arrangement was nominally voluntary: diplomats and consuls were not obliged to hire a Foreign Office agent, although in practice almost all did. As a result, the system had been challenged periodically since the late eighteenth century. Enter the Roving Englishman, injecting unprecedented invective into this campaign where others had left off. John Bidwell junior, who was also a candidate member of the cousinocracy he later married the daughter of the 3rd Earl of Clanwilliam88 , was so deeply hurt by the attack on his father that he refused any longer to serve GrenvilleMurray in this capacity, and returned his power of attorney.

    On the agency system, however, he was stirring up his own gale. He was out of the country when a parliamentary select committee on the consular service began to take evidence in the early summer of the first since , and similarly absent abroad when the select committee on diplomatic service was in session in the first half of — and so never appeared as a witness before either; nor did he send them any memoranda, or at least any that were among the selections published in their reports.

    Nevertheless, both his books and the weekly in. This was sufficient for his influence to be felt and, as we shall see, it was reinforced by a press campaign at the end of the s. Both were employed in his novels — a genre which, like Dickens, he believed should have a strong moral purpose91 — as well as his journalism and, with exceptions, in his non-fiction works as well.

    However, satire had a low reputation in the Victorian era, while anonymity, although still the norm, was itself beginning to come under pressure. As a result, he was at pains to justify both. Public men could not be separated from their public misdeeds and escape attack, any more than criminals could escape personal responsibility for their crimes; otherwise, those misdeeds — although exposed — would retain powerful supporters.

    It was a fact, he concluded, that the language used by the fiercest satirist in the mid-nineteenth century appeared mild by comparison with that accepted as the common currency of the hustings, the House of Commons, and the bar. Libels were inevitable, he admitted, but they were the price to The Press and the Public Service, pp. Diplomacy, Satire and the Victorians be paid for achieving a much greater good.

    He must be a good man, or how should he be able to excite indignation against evil? He must be a man of high aspirings, for he will hardly serve any personal object by satire. Hence this subject was treated in The Press and the Public Service as well. This was peculiarly wicked because the supposed permanence of their employment was its greatest attraction, and after the age of 30 all comparable careers were virtually closed to them.

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    Anonymity, Grenville-Murray was also keen to stress, had many second order advantages. It preserved the high tone of the press by preventing its use for the. The Press and the Public Service, p. He neglected the point that they might not be judged at all if they did not attract attention in the first place, the ironic fate of the book in which his arguments for anonymity were advanced.

    The Counter-Revolution in Diplomacy and Other Essays

    By this time he had dropped the argument advanced under this head earlier; namely, that since the profession of writing — unless on history, law or divinity — was looked down upon in polite society, anonymity was necessary in order to avoid social disgrace. But what of the criticism that anonymous writing gave an unfair advantage to its author and was, to boot, cowardly? In answer to the first charge, he replied that it merely levelled the playing field with the powerful; and to the second, that it still required courage because suspicion of authorship remained a real risk, and could be as fatal as certain knowledge of it to any career a writer might have in the public service.

    How should an anonymous writer respond if pressed by a person in authority over him to admit or deny authorship? Since anonymous writing was a legal right, the writer was under no obligation to reply, maintained Grenville-Murray. And quite right, too, he maintained. After all, what is the point of it if the writer is required to admit authorship to the first person who challenges him on the point? However, since there is also no law against asking, he might be pressed; in this case, prudence requires good humoured evasion.

    As we shall see in the following chapter, this was precisely the kind of rearguard the Roving Englishman. Diplomacy, Satire and the Victorians was himself forced to fight by the Foreign Office. He was exiled first to the unimportant island of Mytilene, then to a wandering life in the Aegean and the Danubian Principalities, next to a non-existent legation in Persia, and finally to a consular post at Odessa in southern Russia, where — only two years after the end of the Crimean War — there was still marked hostility to the British. This is because.

    He notified the ambassador promptly of his arrival, and found the time between writing his Roving Englishman articles to send him 30 numbered despatches and numerous private letters. Grenville-Murray had arrived at Mytilene on 24 October , the day after Turkish hostilities commenced against the Russian forces that had entered the Ottoman provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia in the summer. The British were apprehensive of an advance of Russian forces on Constantinople, and had tilted to the sultan.

    Cost estimates were included in the despatch and suggestions made as to how these might be shared; and it was accompanied by a box containing samples of the produce of the island. In the following March, he reported his launch of a system of relief to the poor and distribution of flour to nearly starving people, all at his own expense; his. Exploiting his connections with the press in England, Grenville-Murray also took good care to make sure that his benevolent activities on Mytilene received as much publicity as possible.

    Besides, with the conflict with Russia threatening to go critical and having to handle a complicated diplomacy designed to forestall this, the ambassador had other things on his mind. Surprise, surprise, less than two months later a translation was published in the Daily News. This is worth quoting in full:. Grenville Murray, attached to the British embassy at Constantinople, who has been for the last eight months on special mission at Mytilene, left some days since for a tour in the Archipelago. The departure of this noble and philanthropic Englishman has caused the greatest regret.

    But he has left ineffaceable traces of his presence amongst us, and has earned a most honest title to our common gratitude. During the three severest of the winter months he distributed food and clothes weekly among the poor, and his house became a rendezvous for hundreds of hungry people, who could find no relief elsewhere. He exerted his influence with the local authorities to redress any grievance, and pleaded the cause of the helpless with inexhaustible kindness. He contributed to our schools, distributed prizes to our scholars, and founded among us a museum of antiquities.

    In his public speeches he addressed to us the wisest and most temperate counsels, in the gentlest and most conciliatory language. Always polite and easy of access to all who had need of him, he was as ready with labour as with good words, and conquered the respect and affection of great and small. Rarely has a man of a stranger nationality given such proofs of sympathy for a foreign people, and the Yates, His Recollections and Experiences, pp.

    I, pp. II, p. Revenge of the Cousinocracy remembrance of Mr. Grenville Murray will survive in the hearts of the Lesbians as long as his name, which is written in letters of gold on the walls of the museum which he has endowed. It is possible that this was a fiction composed by Grenville-Murray himself and that it never appeared in the Amalthea. However, this would have been extremely risky. After all, the Amalthea was regarded as the best newspaper in Turkey and would have been readily available to the embassy in Constantinople.

    If true, this no doubt caused unbridled mirth among those who knew of and believed in the reputation for dishonesty he was acquiring. Be that as it may, by means of a succession of requests that met little resistance, Grenville-Murray persuaded Lord Stratford to permit him leave until late September on the grounds that he was suffering from severe inflammation of his eyes. This period he spent at Rhodes and Smyrna before finally returning to Constantinople.

    Locked out Back at the embassy in the Ottoman capital, Grenville-Murray found not only that the ambassador was still refusing to consider his mounting claim for expenses but also that he had been locked out of his room. What was the Foreign Office to do?

    It Daily News, 13 September Rolleston, Report on Smyrna, p. With the allied fleets already in the Black Sea, this removed the Russian threat to Constantinople altogether and the Crimean peninsula — where forts sheltered the Russian fleet and materials of war were concentrated at Sebastopol — had become the new target for the British and French commanders. To gather material for his book, Grenville-Murray visited the British hospital at Scutari on the Asian side of the Bosphorus where he spoke in German to some Russian officers and then the French hospital. Having observed the misery of Balaclava, where he probably stayed for not more than a week or so, he returned to Varna.

    Then — to the reported astonishment of his doctor in Constantinople20 — he headed for England by the snow-covered overland route. Posting by horse-drawn carriage and commanding priority treatment because carrying despatches from the seat of war, the Roving Englishman initially made good speed; but he probably did not reach England until about the end of February On arriving at Bucharest he had lingered for a while, working on his manuscript and dining daily with the hospitable British agent and consul-general, Robert Colquhoun.

    Pictures from the Battle Fields, ch. Amazingly enough, these glowing testimonials were not the kiss of death for Colquhoun, for in he was appointed agent and consul-general in Egypt, and later knighted. Revenge of the Cousinocracy posting.

    Upcoming Events

    Indeed, shortly after the appearance of Pictures from the Battlefields, in what is unlikely to have been a coincidence, disquiet in the House of Commons about the diplomatic and consular services once more came to the surface. On the consular service, members were even more radical.

    Probably taking his cue directly from Grenville-Murray, Otway made great play with the way the Foreign Office List so obviously confirmed the bias in favour of the sons of peers and cabinet ministers in the staffing of the diplomatic service. In reply, Palmerston assured MPs that his government was fully seized with the question of diplomatic reform, and specifically promised that candidates for the diplomatic service would be examined prior to entry.

    Replying to more specific criticisms, he said that full ambassadors — of which in any case there were only two at the time — were still required at certain courts, chiefly because only this rank guaranteed access to the sovereign; and that the merging of the small missions in Germany and Italy would sacrifice important sources of information. As to the damaging consequences of patronage for efficiency that had been alleged, he airily observed that close attention was always paid to the professional suitability of candidates in making senior diplomatic appointments since bad ones would seriously hinder the work of and reflect badly on the foreign.

    See, for example, his speech in reply to pressure for an examination for budding diplomats in HCDeb. Diplomacy, Satire and the Victorians secretary. Despite his plea that the House should not divide on the motion, it did — and he lost the vote by a wide margin.

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    Sure enough, Grenville-Murray failed to get any response from the foreign secretary to his request for a new post. Accordingly, at the beginning of September he informed him of his intention to return to the embassy at Constantinople. Here, Lord Stratford was still ambassador but — having been widely blamed for starting an unpopular war — was not in quite as strong a position as the one to which he had been accustomed. Perhaps regretting his indecision, Clarendon caused Grenville-Murray — while the latter was slowly making his way to Constantinople — to be interrogated by letter as to whether he was or was not the author of the publications lampooning Lord Stratford.

    Palmerston also regarded the arguments against secrecy in diplomacy as completely mistaken; see, for example, HCDeb. Revenge of the Cousinocracy It was generally said, he was told, that he was their author and that they contained observations which should not have been written by a member of the diplomatic service. Once more he carried despatches, including some picked up from the British embassy at Vienna.

    Acting as an official messenger had the further advantages of entitling him to relatively generous expenses and privileged passage, and of enabling him to demonstrate still further his usefulness and dedication to the service. However, he had not sought. Later he advanced the shaky argument that it was impossible to prove the identity of an anonymous author, The Press and the Public Service, p. Returning to the ship, he reflected on what a bountiful gift was the habit of observation. If he was, he was informed, the Foreign Office would be bound to agree with Lord Stratford that his attachment to the embassy at Constantinople should be formally terminated.

    Two months later, Stratford exploded:. I can no longer defer the duty of reminding your Lordship that Mr. He has made it impossible for me to receive him under this roof, or to employ him in the performance of any official duty. I am left in total ignorance of his reply to Mr. This wide-ranging collection of essays covers not only a selection of themes but also various regions of the world and different historical periods — from the Ottoman Empire in the fifteenth century to Russia, South Asia, the Middle East, Europe and North America today.

    The title essay exposes the mesmerising effect of novelties in much contemporary analysis of diplomatic practice. Other essays argue that embassies are never so important as in war; stress the point that reciprocity in diplomacy helps to limit the damage caused by conflicts over espionage; explore the neglected question of why states sometimes prefer to negotiate away rather than at home; and, finally, maintain — against much fashionable emphasis on classroom instruction — that there is nothing in principle wrong with on-the-job diplomatic training.

    Whether new or old, all of the essays are unified by the theme that professional diplomats are indispensable. More Political.